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Richard N. Goodwin

Richard N. Goodwin



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Richard Goodwin föddes i Boston den 7 december 1931. Han tog examen från Tufts University 1953. Sedan studerade han juridik vid Harvard University.

Goodwin anslöt sig till Massachusetts State bar 1958. Han arbetade för Felix Frankfurter innan han utnämndes till särskild biträde för den lagstiftande övervakningskommittén för USA: s representanthus.

År 1959 utsåg John F. Kennedy Goodwin till medlem i hans talskrivande personal. Året därpå blev han Kennedys assisterande specialråd. Goodwin var också medlem i Kennedys arbetsgrupp för latinamerikanska frågor och utsågs 1961 till biträdande assisterande statssekreterare för interamerikanska frågor, en tjänst han innehade fram till 1963. Som en av Kennedys specialister i latinamerikanska frågor hjälpte Goodwin utveckla Alliance for Progress, ett ekonomiskt utvecklingsprogram för Latinamerika. Goodwin fungerade också som generalsekreterare för International Peace Corps.

Efter Kennedys död gick Goodwin med i staben hos president Lyndon B. Johnson där han arbetade som talskrivare och rådgivare. Goodwin avgick 1965 och blev stipendiat vid Center for Advanced Studies vid Wesleyan University i Middletown, Connecticut och gästprofessor i samhällsfrågor vid Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

Goodwin fortsatte att vara engagerad i politik och skrev tal för presidentkandidaterna Robert Kennedy, Eugene McCarthy och Edmund Muskie. Han skrev också för flera tidskrifter, inklusive New Yorker och Rullande sten. Han publicerade också Fitzgeralds och Kennedys (1986) och Remembering America (1988).

I mars 2001 var Goodwin medlem i en amerikansk delegation som besökte platsen för Bay of Pigs -striden. I partiet ingick Arthur Schlesinger (historiker), Robert Reynolds, (CIA -stationschefen i Miami under invasionen), Jean Kennedy Smith (syster till John F. Kennedy), Alfredo Duran (veteran från Bay of Pigs) och Wayne S. Smith ( Verkställande sekreterare för hans latinamerikanska arbetsgrupp).

Richard N. Goodwin, som skrev tal för Kennedy under kampanjen 1960 och följde med honom till Vita huset, beskrev Robert Kennedy som "helt sin brors man. Han var en kille vars grundläggande syfte i livet var att avancera och skydda Johns karriär. Kennedy. " I en intervju för denna bok 1997 återkallade Goodwin ett möte mellan presidenten och en grupp södra senatorer på Vita husets balkong. En av senatorerna "lutade sig fram och sa," Tja, herr president, jag är rädd att jag kommer att behöva attackera dig på medborgerliga rättigheter: Och Kennedy säger: "Kan du inte attackera Bobby istället?" Bobby spelade den rollen, "förklarade Goodwin. Den yngre Kennedy "speglade alltid sin brors känslor"

Goodwin var också närvarande vid ett möte i Vita huset efter grisbukten när Bobby slet in en högre tjänsteman vid utrikesdepartementet som efter det faktum hade berättat för en reporter att han var emot invasionen. "Jag såg hur Bobby bara slog till i honom", mindes Goodwin. "Du kan inte undergräva min bror." Och John Kennedy bara satt där tyst, sa aldrig ett ord hela tiden. Men jag tvivlar inte på att Bobby speglade samtal som de två hade.

President Fidel Castro satt tillsammans med före detta CIA-operatörer, rådgivare till president Kennedy och medlemmar i exillaget som attackerade hans land för fyra decennier sedan när tidigare motståndare träffades på torsdagen för att undersöka den katastrofala grisbukten som landade.

Klädd i sin traditionella olivgröna uniform läste Castro med nöje från gamla amerikanska dokument kring invasionen av Kuba 1961 av CIA-utbildade landsflyktingar, vilket hjälpte till att forma fyra decennier av USA-Kuba-politik. Några av dokumenten var analyser av en ung, karismatisk Castro.

Castro anlände på morgonen när huvudpersoner satte sig för att starta en tre dagars konferens om invasionen. Deltagarna på mötet - som stängdes av media - sa att han fortfarande var där på kvällen.

Den kubanska presidenten hälsade personligen på den tidigare Kennedy -assistenten och den amerikanske historikern Arthur Schlesinger, men gjorde inget offentligt uttalande.

Deltagarna sa senare att Castro vid ett tillfälle läste högt från en en gång hemlig promemoria till Kennedy om sitt eget besök i USA som Kubas nya ledare 1959.

"Det skulle vara ett allvarligt misstag att underskatta den här mannen", läste Castro med ett leende, säger Thomas Blanton från National Security Archive vid George Washington University.

"Med allt sitt utseende av naivitet, osofistikering och okunnighet i många frågor, är han helt klart en stark personlighet och en född ledare med stort personligt mod och övertygelse", läste Castro, enligt Blanton. '' Även om vi säkert känner honom bättre än tidigare Castro förblir en gåta. '' '

Blanton sa att Castro berättade för gruppen att han trodde att det egentliga syftet med invasionen inte var att framkalla ett uppror mot hans regering utan att sätta scenen för ett amerikanskt ingripande på Kuba. Blanton sa att en medlem av det tidigare exillaget, Alfredo Duran, höll med.

Bland de nyklassificerade dokumenten om 17-19 april 1961 var händelsen det första kända skriftliga uttalandet från Central Intelligence Agency (nyheter - webbplatser) som uppmanade till mordet på Castro.

I ett dokument som släpptes i torsdags i samband med konferensen varnade sovjetledaren Nikita Chrusjtjov Kennedy i ett brev som skickades dagen efter invasionen började att det "lilla kriget" på Kuba "kunde beröra en kedjereaktion i alla delar av världen. ''

Chrusjtjov utfärdade en "brådskande uppmaning" till Kennedy om att avsluta `` aggressionen '' mot Kuba och sa att hans land var berett att förse Kuba med "all nödvändig hjälp" för att avvärja attacken.

2506 -brigaden, som utbildades av CIA i Guatemala, bestod av cirka 1500 landsflyktiga som var fast beslutna att störta Castros regering, som hade tagit makten 28 månader tidigare.

Den tre dagar långa invasionen misslyckades. Utan amerikanskt luftstöd och brist på ammunition fångades mer än 1 000 inkräktare. Ytterligare 100 inkräktare och 151 försvarare dog.

Blanton kallade konferensen "en seger över en bitter historia. ''

Andra viktiga amerikanska personer som deltog var Robert Reynolds, chefen för CIA -stationen i Miami under invasionen; Wayne Smith, då en amerikansk diplomat stationerad i Havanna; och Richard Goodwin, en annan Kennedy-assistent, som tillsammans med Schlesinger ansåg invasionen vara olämplig.

På den kubanska regeringens sida fanns vicepresident Jose Ramon Fernandez, en pensionerad general som ledde försvarande trupper på stranden som här kallas Playa Giron och många andra pensionerade militärer.

Tidigare fiender som kämpade mot varandra för 40 år sedan har tillsammans återbesökt platsen för en av de viktigaste striderna under det kalla kriget, grisbukten i södra Kuba.

Besöket var kulmen på en tre dagar lång konferens för att undersöka orsakerna till konflikten, vad som gick så illa för de styrkor som USA stöder och de lärdomar som kan dras av den.

Bland dem som deltog var historiker från både Kuba och USA, Arthur Schlesinger och Richard Goodwin - båda tidigare rådgivare för den dåvarande USA: s president, John Kennedy - soldater från båda sidor och president Fidel Castro själv.

Under de två första dagarna i Havanna utbyttes tidigare sekretessbelagda dokument.

I de kubanska tidningarna fanns avskrifter av telefonkommunikationerna mellan president Castro och hans militära befälhavare under striden.

De visade hur nära involverad han var, spänningen i stunden och glädjen när det efter mer än 60 timmars strider blev uppenbart att invasionen hade besegrats.

De amerikanska dokumenten beskriver i detalj den förnedring som kände sig vid nederlagets natur och den förlägenhet som president Kennedy orsakade.

En tidning från ett utrikesdepartement lägger skulden för debatten helt på CIA, som utbildade invasionsstyrkan.

Den sade: "Den grundläggande orsaken till katastrofen var byråns underlåtenhet att ge projektet, trots dess betydelse och dess enorma potential för skador på USA, den bästa hanteringen som krävs."

Det tillade: "Det misslyckades på höga nivåer att koncentrera sig på informerad, orubblig granskning av projektet."

I efterdyningarna av det misslyckade uppdraget lägger en annan amerikansk tidning ut de tidiga planerna att destabilisera den kubanska regeringen - en plan som blev känd som Operation Mongoose.

Detta inkluderade ett antal bisarra system, inklusive ett för att lägga pulver i Fidel Castros skor för att få hans skägg att falla ut och ett annat som inkluderade exploderande cigarrer.

Dokumentet föreslog att den mest effektiva befälhavaren för en sådan operation skulle vara dåvarande justitieminister, presidentens bror, Robert Kennedy.

Bland dem som letade efter svar på Kuba var Kennedys syster, Jean Kennedy Smith.

När hon gick på stränderna i grisbukten sa hon att konferensen hade varit ett stort lyft för att bidra till fred mellan Kuba och USA.

En annan av de amerikanska delegaterna var Alfredo Duran, en av invaderingsmakten för 40 år sedan.

Han mötte mannen han försökte störta, Fidel Castro, liksom andra kubanska försvarare.

När han stod på stranden sa han: "Det här har varit en mycket känslosam tid, särskilt att diskutera med översten som ansvarar för operationen de mycket intensiva striderna som ägde rum på denna plats."

Stränderna längs grisbukten på södra Kuba är nu fyllda med solstolar och förbises av lyxhotell.

Men det finns mycket att påminna besökaren om att detta var scenen för en viktig strid ... som kubanerna ser det som ett litet lands seger mot en imperialistisk förtryckare.

För amerikanerna var det ett förödmjukande nederlag som hjälpte till att forma dess kalla krigets strategi för nästa generation och dess politik gentemot Kuba fram till nu ...

Det talades mycket på konferensen om hur president Kennedy var ovillig att stödja invasionen.

En av hans tidigare rådgivare som kom till Havanna, Arthur Schlesinger, sa att presidenten kände sig skyldig att gå vidare eftersom han hade ärvt planen från den tidigare Eisenhower -administrationen.

"Jag avrådde från det", sade Schlesinger, "men mitt råd följdes inte."

I efterdyningarna av den misslyckade invasionen dog alla förhoppningar om försoning med USA och president Castro flyttade närmare in i det sovjetiska lägret.

Spänningen ökade och kulminerade året därpå i den kubanska missilkrisen när Sovjetunionen försökte stationera kärnvapenmissiler på Kuba och pekade på USA.


Dödsannons för Richard N. Goodwin

Richard "Dick" Naradof Goodwin var en författare, dramatiker och tidigare politisk rådgivare och Vita husets talskrivare till presidenterna John F. Kennedy och Lyndon B. Johnson och till senator Robert F. Kennedy, dog fredligt efter en kort kamp med cancer på söndagen kväll den 20 maj hemma hos honom, omgiven av familj och vänner. Han var 86.

Mr. Goodwin skapade vad som allmänt anses vara några av de största och mest inflytelserika presidenttalen i amerikansk historia, inklusive Lyndon Johnsons medborgerliga rättigheter "We Shall Overcome" och Great Society -tal, John F. Kennedys latinamerikanska tal och Robert Kennedys " rippel of hope "tal i Sydafrika 1966.

Mr. Goodwin var författare till fyra böcker inklusive The American Condition, Promises To Keep: A Call For A New American Revolution och hans memoarer, Remembering America: A Voice From The Sixties, som släpptes på nytt i e-bokformat i juli 2014. Att komma ihåg Amerika är en inspirerande historia som väcker förhoppningar, drömmar och ideal om ett extraordinärt och turbulent årtionde.

I minnet av Amerika berättade Goodwin om sin erfarenhet som specialrådgivare för Legislative Oversight-underkommittén i USA: s representanthus, under vilken han genomförde den nu välkända utredningen av Twenty One Quiz Show-skandalen. Hans historia var grunden för Robert Redfords film från 1994, Quiz Show och han porträtterades av Golden Globe®-prisbelönta skådespelaren Rob Morrow. Quiz Show nominerades till fyra Academy Awards®, inklusive bästa film och fyra Golden Globe® Awards.

Mr Goodwin författade en pjäs, många artiklar för The New Yorker och Rolling Stone och många ledare för bland annat The New York Times, Boston Globe och Los Angeles Times. Han uppmanades ofta att erbjuda reflektioner och analyser för dokumentärer, artiklar och böcker om Kennedy- och Johnson -administrationen.

Hans pjäs The Hinge of the World är ett fängslande drama om konfrontationen mellan Galileo Galilei och påve Urban VIII, som gavs ut av Farrar Straus & Giroux, och spelades som teaterproduktion internationellt på Yvonne Arnaud Theatre i Guildford, England, och på Huntington Theatre i Boston, där det fick titeln Two Men of Florence. Pjäsen har anpassats av manusförfattaren Alyssa Hill för en långfilm som just nu är under utveckling på Warner Bros.-baserade Gulfstream Pictures.

Mr Goodwin tog examen summa cum laude från Tufts University och Harvard Law School. Han mottog Harvard Law Schools prestigefyllda Fay Diploma. Mr Goodwin tjänstgjorde som advokat för USA: s högsta domstols associerade rättvisa Felix Frankfurter, innan han utsågs till särskild biträde för underkommittén för lagstiftande tillsyn i USA: s representanthus.

Herr Goodwin, bara 29 år gammal, gick in i Vita huset som en assistent till president John F. Kennedy, efter att först ha rest med dåvarande presidentkandidaten Kennedy och skrivit tal för sin kampanj. Efter Kennedys val fungerade Goodwin som biträdande specialråd för presidenten och som en nyckelspecialist för president Kennedys arbetsgrupp i latinamerikanska frågor, med ursprung i Alliance for Progress och möte i hemlighet med Che Guevara i Uruguay i augusti 1961. Mr. Goodwin fungerade också som biträdande assisterande statssekreterare för mellanamerikanska frågor och var generalsekreterare för International Peace Corps.

Efter mordet på president Kennedys tjänstgjorde Goodwin som specialassistent för president Lyndon B. Johnson, där han formulerade konceptet om det stora samhället och utarbetade många av president Johnsons stora adresser och meddelanden om medborgerliga rättigheter. President Johnson bad Goodwin att skriva sitt historiska tal om medborgerliga rättigheter från 1965, som blev känt som "We Shall Overcome" -talet som president Johnson höll den 15 mars 1965 till den amerikanska kongressens gemensamma session. Detta tal var hörnstenen i framstegen för rösträtt och rösträttslagen från 1965 som president Johnson undertecknade fem månader senare.

Den "arketypiska New Frontiersman" är hur Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. beskrev i Mr. Goodwin i sin bok A Thousand Days. "Goodwin var den högsta generalisten som kunde vända sig från Latinamerika till att rädda Nilen, från medborgerliga rättigheter till att planera en middag i Vita huset för nobelprisvinnarna, från att komponera en parodi på Norman Mailer till att utarbeta en lagstiftning, från att äta lunch med en högsta domstol för att äta middag med Jean Seberg - och samtidigt behålla en osläckbar anda av sardonisk liberalism och oavbruten drivkraft för att få saker gjorda. "

Herr Goodwin avgick från Vita huset 1966 och gick med i USA: s anti-krigsrörelse. Han ledde kort Eugene McCarthys presidentkampanj i New Hampshire och Wisconsin och skrev tal för presidentkandidaten Edmund S. Muskie, innan han gick med i senator Robert F. Kennedys presidentkampanj. Mr Goodwin var tillsammans med senator Kennedy i Los Angeles när han dödades 1968. Goodwin hjälpte till med att skapa vice president Al Gores presidentkoncessionstal 2000.

Mr Goodwin mottog många utmärkelser och utmärkelser, inklusive John F. Kennedy Library Distinguished American Honor, Aspen Institute's Public Leadership Award och hedersgrader från Tufts University, UMass Lowell och Hebrew Union College.

Mr Goodwin arbetade med sin nästa bok. Han bodde i Concord, Massachusetts, med sin fru i 42 år, presidenthistorikern och Pulitzerprisvinnande författaren Doris Kearns Goodwin, med vilken han har två söner, Michael och Joseph. Mr Goodwin har en son Richard från ett tidigare äktenskap. Goodwins har två barnbarn, Willa och Lena.

Familj och vänner kommer att samlas för att hedra och komma ihåg Mr. Goodwin fredagen den 15 juni kl. 12.00 i First Parish i Concord, 20 Lexington Road, Concord, MA

Concords stadsflagga kommer att sjunga på halvstång fredag ​​den 15 juni för att hedra Goodwins tjänst till sitt land i USA: s armé.


Karriär [redigera | redigera källa]

Tidig karriär [redigera | redigera källa]

Efter att ha arbetat för justitieminister Felix Frankfurter vid USA: s högsta domstol blev Goodwin advokat för House Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce där Goodwin var inblandad i att undersöka frågesportskandaler, särskilt Tjugoett skandal. ΐ ] Ε ] Denna affär gav historien för filmen 1994 Frågesport, där Goodwin porträtterades av skådespelaren Rob Morrow. ΐ ]

Kennedy -administrationen [redigera | redigera källa]

Goodwin anslöt sig till John F. Kennedys talskrivarpersonal 1959. Γ ] Fellow Kennedy -talskrivaren Ted Sorensen blev mentor för Goodwin. Β ] Goodwin var en av de yngsta medlemmarna Ζ ] i gruppen "New Frontiersmen" som rådde Kennedy andra, inklusive Fred Dutton, Ralph Dungan, Kenneth O'Donnell och Harris Wofford, som alla var under 37 år gammal. Η ]

1961, efter att Kennedy blivit president, blev Goodwin assisterande specialrådgivare för presidenten och medlem i arbetsgruppen för latinamerikanska frågor. Senare samma år utsåg Kennedy honom till biträdande assisterande statssekreterare för interamerikanska frågor Goodwin innehade denna position fram till 1963. Goodwin rapporterade enligt uppgift mot invasionen av grisarna och försökte utan framgång övertyga Kennedy om att inte beordra operationen. Α ] I augusti 1961 var Goodwin en del av en delegation som leddes av USA: s finansminister Douglas Dillon som skickades till Uruguay för att delta i en konferens med latinamerikanska finansministrar. ⎖ ] ⎗ ] Ämnet som diskuterades var Alliance for Progress, som godkändes av alla länders representanter utom Kubas representant Che Guevera. Guevera hade dock inga avsikter att gå hem tomhänt, han märkte att Goodwin rökte cigarrer under mötena och genom en mellanhand utmanade honom, vilket tyder på att han inte skulle våga röka en kubansk cigarr. Goodwin antog utmaningen, och därefter kom en gåva av cigarrer i en utarbetad polerad mahognylåda från Guevera. Guevera uttryckte sin önskan att prata informellt med Goodwin, och Goodwin fick tillstånd av finansminister Dillon. Men under den sista dagen av konferensen hade Guevera kritiska ord för pressen om Alliansen för framsteg, och att vara den enda representanten som gjorde det, och talade passionerat om ämnet, höjde det affärsmässiga, pin-randiga, tidigare -Wall-Street-bankir Dillon. Dillon drog tillbaka sitt avtal för Guevera och Goodwins möte. Guevera höll dock fast och Goodwin gick med på att lyssna, men han betonade att han inte hade någon verklig förhandlingsmakt. ⎖ ]

Senare samma kväll på en fest agerade brasilianska och argentinska tjänstemän som mellanhänder Guevera och Goodwin introducerades och gick till ett separat rum så att de kunde prata. Skämtsamt "tackade" Guevera Goodwin för invasionen av grisarna som hade inträffat bara några månader tidigare, eftersom det bara hade förstärkt stödet för Castro. Isen bröts och de två idealisterna, båda inom några år av 30 och sitter nästan knä mot knä, talade genom natten. Även om de förstod att deras länder inte var avsedda att vara vänliga allierade, fokuserade de på vad de kunde åstadkomma för fredens skull. Goodwin tyckte att Guevera var mycket öppen och ärlig. I slutändan kom de till den icke -bindande slutsatsen att om Kuba skulle vara villigt att avstå från att ingå några militära allianser med Sovjetunionen, eller försöka hjälpa revolutionärer i andra latinamerikanska länder, skulle Amerika vara villigt att sluta försöka ta bort Castro med våld och lyfta handelsembargo mot Kuba, och vice versa. De kom överens om att avslöja deras konversation endast för sina respektive ledare, Castro och Kennedy. ⎖ ]

Efter att ha återvänt från Uruguay skrev Goodwin ett memo för Kennedy på mötet, ΐ ] där han uppgav hur framgångsrik han var med att övertyga Guevara om att han var medlem i Guevaras "nyare generation" och hur Guevara också skickade ett annat meddelande till Goodwin där han beskrev deras möte "ganska lönsamt". ⎘ ] Medan mötet föranledde en "mindre politisk furor" var president Kennedy i slutändan nöjd med resultatet av Goodwins ansträngningar och var den första som rökte en av smuglande kubanska cigarrer Goodwin hade fört tillbaka. "'Är de bra?' frågade presidenten. ”De är de bästa”, svarade Goodwin och fick Kennedy att genast öppna Gueveras gåva och prova en av Havanas. ” ⎖ ] Goodwin gjorde också betydande arbete i Kennedy vita huset för att flytta gamla egyptiska monument som hotades med förstörelse i byggnaden av Aswan -dammen, inklusive Abu Simbel -templen. Α ] Historikern Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., i sin bok Tusen dagar: John F. Kennedy i Vita huset, kallade Goodwin "den högsta generalisten" som kunde:

". vänd dig från Latinamerika till att rädda Nilen, från medborgerliga rättigheter till att planera en middag i Vita huset för nobelprisvinnarna, från att komponera en parodi på Norman Mailer till att utarbeta en lagstiftning, från lunch med en högsta domstol till middag med [skådespelerskan] Jean Seberg - och samtidigt behålla en osläckbar anda av sardonisk liberalism och oavbruten drivkraft för att få saker gjorda. " ΐ ]

Johnsons administration [redigera | redigera källa]

Goodwin 1965 (vänster), med Bill Moyers och president Johnson i Oval Office.

Från 1963 till 1964 fungerade Goodwin som generalsekreterare för International Peace Corps Secretariat. Γ ] 1964 blev han särskild assistent för presidenten i Lyndon B. Johnsons administration. Γ ] Goodwin har krediterats med att döpa Johnsons lagstiftningsagenda till "The Great Society", en term som först användes av Johnson i ett tal i maj 1964. ΐ ] Även om Goodwin bidrog till ett tal för Johnson som skisserade programmet, var Bill Moyers, en annan Johnson -rådgivare, huvudförfattaren till talet. ⎛ ]

Goodwin skrev tal för Johnson som reagerade på Bloody Sunday, det våldsamma polisundertryckandet av medborgerliga marschanter på Edmund Pettusbron (1965) ΐ ] och uppmanade till att rösträttslagen från 1965 godkändes. Α ] Goodwin var också en av författarna till Robert F. Kennedys bekräftelsedag (1966), talet "hoppets hopp" där Kennedy fördömde apartheid i Sydafrika. Α ] Goodwin var en nyckelfigur i skapandet av Alliance for Progress, ett amerikanskt program för att stimulera ekonomisk utveckling i Latinamerika, Γ ] och skrev ett stort tal för Johnson om ämnet. Α ]

Karriär efter regering [redigera | redigera källa]

I september 1965 avgick Goodwin från sin plats i Vita huset på grund av hans besvikelse över Vietnamkriget. ΐ ] Efter hans avresa fortsatte Goodwin att skriva tal för Johnson emellanåt, den sista var 1966 års unionens tillstånd. Δ ] År 1975, Tid tidningen rapporterade att Goodwin hade sagt upp sig efter att Johnson, som ville kasta bort människor nära Robert F. Kennedy från Vita huset, hade bett FBI -chef J. Edgar Hoover att undersöka honom. ⎜ ] Nästa år gick Goodwin offentligt med i antikrigsrörelsen och publicerade Triumf eller tragedi, en krigskritisk bok. Han publicerade också artiklar som kritiserade Johnson -administrationens agerande i Vietnam New Yorker under en pseudonym. ΐ ] Efter att ha lämnat regeringen innehade Goodwin lärartjänster, han var stipendiat vid Wesleyan University's Center for Advanced Studies i Middletown, Connecticut, från 1965 till 1967 och var gästprofessor i public relations vid Massachusetts Institute of Technology 1968. & #913 ] Γ ] År 1968 var Goodwin kort inblandad i Eugene McCarthys presidentkampanj, och#912 ] hanterade McCarthys kampanj i New Hampshire -primären, där McCarthy vann nästan 42% av rösterna, vilket ansågs en moralisk seger över Johnson. Α ] Goodwin lämnade McCarthys kampanj och arbetade för senator Robert F. Kennedy efter att han deltog i loppet. ΐ ] Goodwin fungerade kort som politisk redaktör för Rullande sten 1974. ⎝ ] Han skrev en memoar, Minns Amerika: En röst från sextiotalet (1988). Α ] År 2000 bidrog han med några rader till koncessionstalet Al Gore skrev med sin högsta talskrivare Eli Attie efter Högsta domstolens kontroversiella beslut i Bush mot Gore. Α] ⎞]

Hans verk publicerades i New Yorker och han skrev många böcker, artiklar och pjäser. År 2003 producerade Yvonne Arnaud Theatre i Guildford, England, sitt nya verk Världens gångjärn, som tog föremål för konflikten från 1600-talet mellan Galileo Galilei och Vatikanen. ⎟ ] Retitled Två män i Florens (med hänvisning till Galileo och hans motståndare påven Urban VIII, som som kardinal Maffeo Barberini en gång hade varit Galileos mentor), gjorde pjäsen sin amerikanska debut på Huntington Theatre i Boston i mars 2009. ⎠ ]


'The Great Society': Ett talskrivarutkast

Ett utkast till talet som Richard N. Goodwin skrev 1964 med en beskrivning av Lyndon B. Johnson 's lagstiftningsagenda, "The Great Society."

"Dick Goodwin var ett lejon av liberalism innan det blev ett smutsigt ord och skapade tal för demokratiska ikoner som definierar det 21: a århundradets politik och progressivism", säger Mark K. Updegrove, president och verkställande direktör för LBJ Foundation, i ett e-post. "Hans" We Shall Overcome "-tal, LBJ: s vädjan om rösträttslagen i kölvattnet av Selmas" Bloody Sunday "som resulterade i direkta åtgärder från en tidigare motvillig kongress, räknas som ett av de mest vältaliga och effektiva presidenttalen i historien . ”

Herr Goodwin hjälpte till att utarbeta landmärket för rösträtt från 1965, som förbjöd läskunnighetstester och andra diskriminerande metoder som länge hade fråntagit svarta amerikaner. Under en tid, som Mr Goodwin senare erinrade om, trodde han djupt på Johnson på grund av sitt arbete för medborgerliga rättigheter och sociala reformer.

Men i takt med att administrationens engagemang i Vietnam växte, lämnade Goodwin 1965 och började skriva och tala mot kriget. År 1968, efter att Johnson meddelat att han inte skulle söka omval, blev Goodwin rådgivare och talskrivare i de demokratiska presidentkampanjerna för senatorerna Robert F. Kennedy i New York och Eugene McCarthy från Minnesota, båda starka motståndare till kriget.

Mr Goodwin var med Robert Kennedy i Los Angeles när senatorn, efter att ha vunnit primärvalet i Kalifornien, sköts dödligt av en lönnmördare. Han var då McCarthys talförfattare, tills demokraterna nominerade vice president Hubert H. Humphrey vid en kongress i Chicago som skuggades av sammandrabbningar mellan polisen och antikrigsdemonstranter.

Strålande, intensiv, ibland slipande, såg Goodwin ut som en skrynklig professor. Han rökte stora cigarrer, gynnade turtlenecks och corduroyjackor och hade långt, luddigt hår. Hans röst var grusig och något suddig, ansiktet krångligt, med silvergrå ögonbryn som stack upp djävulskt.

Han undervisade vid Wesleyan University och Massachusetts Institute of Technology och skrev för Rolling Stone, The New Yorker, The New York Times och andra publikationer. Hans böcker omfattade ”Såarens utsäde: en hyllning till Adlai Stevenson” (1965), ”Triumph or Tragedy: Reflections on Vietnam” (1966), ”The American Condition” (1974) och ”Promises to Keep: a Call for a New American Revolution ”(1992).

Hans memoarer, "Remembering America: A Voice From the Sixties" (1988), väckte kontroverser med en framställning av president Johnson som oregelbunden, isolerad, till och med paranoid. Några som hade känt Johnson ifrågasatte Mr. Goodwins slutsatser. Kritiker hyllade hans passionerade liberala bedömning av eran, men sa att han ignorerade många vetenskapliga och politiska omvärderingar av 1960-talet.

Richard Naradof Goodwin föddes i Boston den 7 december 1931, en av två söner till Joseph och Belle Fisher Goodwin. Dick och hans yngre bror, Herbert, växte upp i Brookline. Dick gick först i sin klass vid Tufts University, tog examen 1953 och i Harvard Law Schools klass 1958. Han var kontorist för associerade rättvisa Felix Frankfurter vid Högsta domstolen i ett år. Hans bror, en Massachusetts tingsrättsdomare i Brookline i många år, dog 2015.

1958 gifte han sig med Sandra Leverant, med vilken han fick en son, Richard. Hon dog 1972. Han gifte sig med Doris Kearns 1975. De fick två söner, Michael och Joseph. Förutom sin fru och söner överlever han två barnbarn.

År 1959 anslöt sig Goodwin till personalen i en underkommitté i huset som undersöker riggade tv -frågesportprogram. En del av "Remembering America" ​​fokuserade på skandalerna och var en grund för filmen "Quiz Show" från 1994, som han hjälpte till att producera. Hans arbete imponerade på Robert Kennedy, och han värvades till senator John Kennedys personal. Han och Theodore C. Sorensen skrev de flesta av Kennedys tal i presidentkampanjen.

Mr. Goodwins pjäs, "The Hinge of the World", om kampen under inkvisitionen mellan påven Urban VIII och Galileo, som anklagades för kätteri för att hävda att jorden inte var universums centrum, hade premiär i Guildford, England, 2003. Det producerades i Boston 2009 som "Two Men of Florence".

"Richard Goodwins talang som dramatiker var unik", sa Edward Hall, som regisserade båda produktionerna av pjäsen, i ett mejl. ”Han hade den sällsynta förmågan att ta stora idéer och göra dem till mänskligt drama. Att vara i ett repetitionsrum med Richard kommer att förbli en höjdpunkt i min karriär. Hans karaktärer berikades av en författare som blandade en livstid upplevelse av att arbeta nära makten, med en djup förståelse och omtanke om mänskligheten. ”

Al Gores presidentkoncessionstal år 2000, skrivet av Goodwin, citerade senator Stephen Douglas eftergift till Abraham Lincoln i presidentvalet 1860: "Partisan känsla måste ge efter för patriotism."

Herr Gores tal fortsatte: ”Precis som vi kämpar hårt när insatserna är höga stänger vi led och möts när tävlingen är klar. Och även om det kommer att finnas tillräckligt med tid för att diskutera våra fortsatta skillnader, är det nu dags att inse att det som förenar oss är större än det som delar oss. Även om vi fortfarande håller fast och inte ger våra motsatta övertygelser, finns det en högre plikt än den vi är skyldiga det politiska partiet. Detta är Amerika, och vi sätter landet före partiet vi kommer att stå tillsammans bakom vår nya president. ”


Richard N. Goodwin, tidigare talskrivare för Kennedys, LBJ, dör vid 86

RAPPORTERING FRÅN NEW YORK - Richard N. Goodwin, en medhjälpare, talskrivare och liberal styrka för Kennedys och Lyndon Johnson som hjälpte till med att skapa sådana historiska tal som Robert Kennedys ”hoppets krusningar” och LBJs tal om medborgerliga rättigheter och Great Society, dog söndag kväll vid 86 års ålder.

Goodwin, the husband of Pulitzer Prize-winning historian Doris Kearns Goodwin, died at his home in Concord, Mass. According to his wife, he died after a brief bout with cancer.

Goodwin was among the youngest members of President Kennedy's inner circle and among the last survivors. Brilliant and contentious, with thick eyebrows and a mess of wavy-curly hair, the cigar-smoking Goodwin rose from a working-class background to the Kennedy White House before he had turned 30. He was a Boston native and Harvard Law graduate who specialized in broad, inspirational rhetoric — top JFK speechwriter Theodore Sorensen was a mentor — that "would move men to action or alliance."

Thriving during an era when few feared to be called "liberal," Goodwin also worked on some of Lyndon Johnson's most memorable domestic policy initiatives, including his celebrated "We Shall Overcome" speech. But he differed with the president about Vietnam, left the administration after 1965 and would later contend — to much debate — that Johnson may have been clinically paranoid. Increasingly impassioned through the latter half of the '60s, he co-wrote what many regard as then- Sen. Robert Kennedy's greatest speech, his address in South Africa in 1966. Kennedy bluntly attacked the racist apartheid system, praised protest movements worldwide and said those who speak and act against injustice send "forth a tiny ripple of hope."

Goodwin's opposition to the Vietnam conflict led him to write speeches in 1968 for Kennedy and to manage the presidential campaign for antiwar candidate Sen. Eugene McCarthy. But McCarthy faded, Kennedy ("My best and last friend in politics," Goodwin wrote) was assassinated and Republican Richard Nixon was elected president. Goodwin never worked for another administration, although he and his wife were fixtures in the Democratic Party and he continued to comment on current affairs for Rolling Stone, the New Yorker and other publications. In 2000, he was called upon for one of the least glamorous jobs in speechwriting history: Al Gore's concession to George W. Bush after a deadlocked race that ended with a 5-4 Supreme Court decision in Bush's favor.

Goodwin was admired for his rare blend of poetry and political savvy, and criticized for being all too aware of his talents. Even one of his supporters, historian and fellow Kennedy insider Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., would say that he "probably lacked tact and finesse." But Schlesinger also regarded Goodwin as the "archetypal New Frontiersman" of JFK's brief presidency.

"Goodwin was the supreme generalist," Schlesinger wrote in his Pulitzer Prize-winning "A Thousand Days," published in 1965, "who could turn from Latin America to saving the Nile Monuments, from civil rights to planning a White House dinner for the Nobel Prize winners, from composing a parody of Norman Mailer to drafting a piece of legislation, from lunching with a Supreme Court Justice to dining with Jean Seberg — and at the same time retain an unquenchable spirit of sardonic liberalism and unceasing drive to get things done."

Richard Naradof Goodwin was born in Boston on Dec. 7, 1931, but spent part of his childhood in suburban Maryland, where he would recall being harassed and beaten because he was Jewish. His enemies only inspired him. He graduated summa cum laude from Tufts University, at the top his class from Harvard Law School, then clerked for Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter, the first of a series of powerful men Goodwin worked under.

His road to Kennedy's "Camelot" began not with an election, but with the corruption of TV game shows. He was an investigator in the late '50s for the Legislative Oversight Subcommittee of the U.S. House of Representatives, which helped reveal that the popular "Twenty One" program was rigged. Goodwin's recollections were adapted into the 1994 film "Quiz Show," directed by Robert Redford and featuring Rob Morrow as Goodwin, who was one of the producers. "Quiz Show" received four Academy Award nominations, including for best picture, but was criticized for inflating Goodwin's role in uncovering the scandal.

His efforts were noticed by JFK, then a U.S. senator from Massachusetts and aspiring presidential candidate. Goodwin was hired to write speeches for the 1960 race, advised Kennedy for his landmark television debates with Nixon and held a number of positions in the administration, from assistant special counsel in the White House to an advisor on Latin America. When the president was assassinated in 1963, Goodwin took on a sensitive task — prodding the military to act upon Jacqueline Kennedy's wishes and place an eternal flame at the national cemetery in Arlington, Va.

Under Kennedy, Goodwin's most ambitious work may have been on the Alliance for Progress, a program of economic and social reforms meant to break the U.S. from its history of supporting dictators in Latin America. The Alliance was announced in March 1961 with a promise from Kennedy that the spirit would not be "an imperialism of force or fear but the rule of courage and freedom and hope for the future of man." In the long term, the alliance had mixed results, as support dropped among subsequent administrations. In the short run, it was overshadowed by an imperialist fiasco, the Bay of Pigs invasion, the failed U.S.-backed attempt in April 1961 to overthrow Cuba's socialist government, led by Fidel Castro.

Goodwin had questioned the plan, but still had to answer for it. Not long after the Bay of Pigs, he met with Castro ally and finance minister Ernesto "Che" Guevara, the two of them sitting on the floor of a hotel room in Montevideo, Uruguay. They were both in town for an Inter-American conference that was to ratify the alliance.

"But, of course, when we started this conversation though, he said, `Mr. Goodwin, I'd like to thank you for the Bay of Pigs,"' Goodwin recalled during a joint 2007 appearance with his wife at the John F. Kennedy library in Boston. "He said, `We were a pretty shaky middle class, support was uncertain, and this solidified everything for us.' So what could I say? I knew he was right."

After Kennedy's death, Goodwin was urged — implored — to stay on by the new president: "You're going to be my voice, my alter ego," Goodwin remembered Lyndon Johnson saying. There was constant tension between Johnson, a Texan, and the "Harvards" around Kennedy, but Goodwin initially had strong influence and was an essential shaper of LBJ's legacy. He was assigned key policy speeches, including the 1964 address at the University of Michigan, when Johnson outlined his domestic vision of a "Great Society." Johnson's 1965 civil rights speech to a joint session of Congress is among the most famous presidential orations in history. It was written by Goodwin — within hours, he alleged — in the wake of the bloody marches in Selma, Ala., and ended with an exhortation, drawing upon the language of the protest movement, that reportedly left the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. in tears.

"Their cause must be our cause too," Johnson said. "Because it is not just negroes, but all of us who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice. And we shall overcome."

Upon signing the Voting Rights Act in August 1965, Johnson gave the pen to Goodwin. But by then, LBJ had committed ground troops to Vietnam and Goodwin was personally and professionally estranged. He had become convinced, he later wrote, that "President Johnson's always large eccentricities had taken a huge leap into unreason."

"My conclusion is that President Johnson experienced certain episodes of what I believe to have been paranoid behavior," he wrote in "Remembering America," published in 1988. "I do not use this term to describe a medical diagnosis. I am not L.B.J.'s psychiatrist, nor am I qualified to be. I base my judgment purely on my observation of his conduct during the little more than two years I worked for him."

Goodwin's theory was widely debated. He was backed by Time magazine journalist Hugh Sidey, while former Johnson aide Jack Valenti said Goodwin was simply trying "to flog a book."

Goodwin was married for 14 years to Sandra Leverant, who died in 1972. Three years later, he married Doris Kearns, a former LBJ aide who became one of the country's most popular historians with such works as "Team of Rivals" and "No Ordinary Time." Goodwin had three children, one with his first wife and two with his second.

Goodwin's other books included "Triumph or Tragedy: Reflections on Vietnam," released shortly after he left the Johnson administration and "Promises to Keep." He also wrote a play, "The Hinge of the World" (later retitled "Two Men of Florence"), a drama about the clash between Galileo Galilei and Pope Urban VIII that reflected on the need to raise "poor, lowly creatures" from ignorance so they could "travel the Heavens."

"And how is this mighty liberation accomplished?" Goodwin wrote. "Not through holy text. By these hands, these eyes, this brain. The skull of a single being imprisons the power to unravel creation, to encompass and describe the entire world. Why, this teaches man they may regain our native, the dominion granted Adam in their days of innocence. Creatures who can accomplish this have such power, they are almost like Gods."


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Richard N. Goodwin, White House speech writer, dead at 86

In this Jan. 12, 1966, photo provided by the White House, President Lyndon B. Johnson prepares for his State of the Union address with, from left, Richard Goodwin, former presidential assistant called back from Wesleyan University to help on the speech, Jack Valenti and Joseph A. Califano, Jr. at the White House in Washington. Goodwin, an aide, speechwriter and liberal force for the Kennedys and Lyndon Johnson died Sunday, May 20, 2018, at his home in Concord, Mass. His wife, the historian Doris Kearns Goodwin, said he died after a brief bout with cancer. Opartisk Press

FILE - In this May 29, 2010, file photo, author Richard Goodwin receives a Doctor of Humane Letters honorary degree from Trustee Edward Collins during commencement ceremonies at UMass-Lowell at the Tsongas Center in Lowell, Mass. Former White House aide and speechwriter Goodwin has died. He died Sunday, May 20, 2018, at his home in Concord, Mass. His wife, the historian Doris Kearns Goodwin, said he died after a brief bout with cancer. Opartisk Press

NEW YORK -- Richard N. Goodwin, an aide, speechwriter and liberal force for the Kennedys and Lyndon Johnson who helped craft such historic addresses as Robert Kennedy's "ripples of hope" and LBJ's speeches on civil rights and "The Great Society," died Sunday evening at age 86.

Goodwin, the husband of Pulitzer Prize winning historian Doris Kearns Goodwin, died at his home in Concord, Massachusetts. According to his wife, he died after a brief bout with cancer.

Goodwin was among the youngest members of President John F. Kennedy's inner circle and among the last survivors. Brilliant and contentious, with thick eyebrows and a mess of wavy-curly hair, the cigar-smoking Goodwin rose from a working class background to the Kennedy White House before he had turned 30. He was a Boston native and Harvard Law graduate who specialized in broad, inspirational rhetoric - top JFK speechwriter Theodore Sorensen was a mentor - that "would move men to action or alliance."

Thriving during an era when few feared to be called "liberal," Goodwin also worked on some of Lyndon Johnson's most memorable domestic policy initiatives, including his celebrated "We Shall Overcome" speech. But he differed with the president about Vietnam, left the administration after 1965 and would later contend - to much debate - that Johnson may have been clinically paranoid. Increasingly impassioned through the latter half of the '60s, he co-wrote what many regard as then- Sen. Robert Kennedy's greatest speech, his address in South Africa in 1966. Kennedy bluntly attacked the racist apartheid system, praised protest movements worldwide and said those who speak and act against injustice send "forth a tiny ripple of hope."

Goodwin's opposition to the Vietnam conflict led him to write speeches in 1968 for Kennedy and to manage the presidential campaign for anti-war candidate Sen. Eugene McCarthy. But McCarthy faded, Kennedy ("My best and last friend in politics," Goodwin wrote) was assassinated and Republican Richard Nixon was elected president. Goodwin never worked for another administration, although he and his wife were fixtures in the Democratic Party and he continued to comment on current affairs for Rolling Stone, The New Yorker and other publications. In 2000, he was called upon for one of the least glamorous jobs in speechwriting history: Al Gore's concession to George W. Bush after a deadlocked race that ended with a 5-4 Supreme Court decision in Bush's favor.

Goodwin was admired for his rare blend of poetry and political savvy, and criticized for being all too aware of his talents. Even one of his supporters, historian and fellow Kennedy insider Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., would say that he "probably lacked tact and finesse." But Schlesinger also regarded Goodwin as the "archetypal New Frontiersman" of JFK's brief presidency.

"Goodwin was the supreme generalist," Schlesinger wrote in his Pulitzer Prize-winning "A Thousand Days," published in 1965, "who could turn from Latin America to saving the Nile Monuments, from civil rights to planning a White House dinner for the Nobel Prize winners, from composing a parody of Norman Mailer to drafting a piece of legislation, from lunching with a Supreme Court Justice to dining with Jean Seberg - and at the same time retain an unquenchable spirit of sardonic liberalism and unceasing drive to get things done."

Richard Naradof Goodwin was born in Boston on Dec. 7, 1931, but spent part of his childhood in suburban Maryland, where he would recall being harassed and beaten because he was Jewish. His enemies only inspired him. He graduated summa cum laude from Tufts University, at the top his class from Harvard Law School, then clerked for Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter, the first of a series of powerful men Goodwin worked under.

His road to Kennedy's "Camelot" began not with an election, but with the corruption of TV game shows. He was an investigator in the late '50s for the Legislative Oversight Subcommittee of the U.S. House of Representatives, which helped reveal that the popular "Twenty One" program was rigged. Goodwin's recollections were adapted into the 1994 film "Quiz Show," directed by Robert Redford and featuring Rob Morrow as Goodwin, who was one of the producers. "Quiz Show" received four Academy Award nominations, including for best picture, but was criticized for inflating Goodwin's role in uncovering the scandal.

His efforts were noticed by Kennedy, then a U.S. senator from Massachusetts and aspiring presidential candidate. Goodwin was hired to write speeches for the 1960 race, advised Kennedy for his landmark television debates with Nixon and held a number of positions in the administration, from assistant special counsel in the White House to an adviser on Latin America. When the president was assassinated in 1963, Goodwin took on a sensitive task - prodding the military to act upon Jacqueline Kennedy's wishes and place an eternal flame at the national cemetery in Arlington, Virginia.

Under Kennedy, Goodwin's most ambitious work may have been on the Alliance for Progress, a program of economic and social reforms meant to break the U.S. from its history of supporting dictators in Latin America. The Alliance was announced in March 1961 with a promise from Kennedy that the spirit would not be "an imperialism of force or fear but the rule of courage and freedom and hope for the future of man." In the long term, the alliance had mixed results, as support dropped among subsequent administrations. In the short run, it was overshadowed by an imperialist fiasco, the Bay of Pigs invasion, the failed U.S.-backed attempt in April 1961 to overthrow Cuba's socialist government, led by Fidel Castro.

Goodwin had questioned the plan, but still had to answer for it. Not long after the Bay of Pigs, he met with Castro ally and finance minister Ernesto "Che" Guevara, the two of them sitting on the floor of a hotel room in Monte Video, Uruguay. They were both in town for an Inter-American conference that was to ratify the alliance.

"But, of course, when we started this conversation though, he said, 'Mr. Goodwin, I'd like to thank you for the Bay of Pigs,'" Goodwin recalled during a joint 2007 appearance with his wife at the John F. Kennedy library in Boston. "He said, 'We were a pretty shaky middle class, support was uncertain, and this solidified everything for us.' So what could I say? I knew he was right."

After Kennedy's death, Goodwin was urged - implored - to stay on by the new president: "You're going to be my voice, my alter ego," Goodwin remembered Lyndon Johnson saying. There was constant tension between Johnson, a Texan, and the "Harvards" around Kennedy, but Goodwin initially had strong influence and was an essential shaper of LBJ's legacy. He was assigned key policy speeches, including the 1964 address at the University of Michigan, when Johnson outlined his domestic vision of a "Great Society." Johnson's 1965 civil rights speech to a joint session of Congress is among the most famous presidential orations in history. It was written by Goodwin - within hours, he alleged - in the wake of the bloody marches in Selma, Alabama, and ended with an exhortation, drawing upon the language of the protest movement, that reportedly left the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. in tears.

"Their cause must be our cause, too," Johnson said. "Because it is not just negroes, but all of us who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice. And we shall overcome."

Upon signing the Voting Rights Act in August 1965, Johnson gave the pen to Goodwin. But by then, LBJ had committed ground troops to Vietnam and Goodwin was personally and professionally estranged. He had become convinced, he later wrote, that "President Johnson's always large eccentricities had taken a huge leap into unreason."

"My conclusion is that President Johnson experienced certain episodes of what I believe to have been paranoid behavior," he wrote in "Remembering America," published in 1988. "I do not use this term to describe a medical diagnosis. I am not L.B.J.'s psychiatrist, nor am I qualified to be. I base my judgment purely on my observation of his conduct during the little more than two years I worked for him."

Goodwin's theory was widely debated. He was backed by Time magazine journalist Hugh Sidey, while former Johnson aide Jack Valenti said Goodwin was simply trying "to flog a book."

Goodwin was married for 14 years to Sandra Leverant, who died in 1972. Three years later, he married Doris Kearns, a former LBJ aide who became one of the country's most popular historians with such works as "Team of Rivals" and "No Ordinary Time." Goodwin had three children, one with his first wife and two with his second.

Goodwin's other books included "Triumph or Tragedy: Reflections on Vietnam," released shortly after he left the Johnson administration and "Promises to Keep." He also wrote a play, "The Hinge of the World" (later retitled "Two Men of Florence"), a drama about the clash between Galileo Galilei and Pope Urban VIII that reflected on the need to raise "poor, lowly creatures" from ignorance so they could "travel the Heavens."

"And how is this mighty liberation accomplished?" Goodwin wrote. "Not through holy text. By these hands, these eyes, this brain. The skull of a single being imprisons the power to unravel creation, to encompass and describe the entire world. Why, this teaches man they may regain our native, the dominion granted Adam in their days of innocence. Creatures who can accomplish this have such power, they are almost like Gods."


Richard N. Goodwin, White House speech writer, dead at 86

NEW YORK (AP) — Richard N. Goodwin, an aide, speechwriter and liberal force for the Kennedys and Lyndon Johnson who helped craft such historic addresses as Robert Kennedy’s “ripples of hope” and LBJ’s speeches on civil rights and “The Great Society,” died Sunday evening at age 86.

Goodwin, the husband of Pulitzer Prize winning historian Doris Kearns Goodwin, died at his home in Concord, Massachusetts. According to his wife, he died after a brief bout with cancer.

“It was the adventure of a lifetime to be married for 42 years to this incredible force of nature_the smartest, most interesting, most loving person I have ever known. How lucky I have been to have had him by my side as we built our family and our careers together surrounded by close friends in a community we love,” said Doris Kearns Goodwin.

Richard Goodwin was among the youngest members of President John F. Kennedy’s inner circle and among the last survivors. Brilliant and contentious, with thick eyebrows and a mess of wavy-curly hair, the cigar-smoking Goodwin rose from a working class background to the Kennedy White House before he had turned 30. He was a Boston native and Harvard Law graduate who specialized in broad, inspirational rhetoric — top JFK speechwriter Theodore Sorensen was a mentor — that “would move men to action or alliance.”

Thriving during an era when few feared to be called “liberal,” Goodwin also worked on some of Lyndon Johnson’s most memorable domestic policy initiatives, including his celebrated “We Shall Overcome” speech. But he differed with the president about Vietnam, left the administration after 1965 and would later contend — to much debate — that Johnson may have been clinically paranoid. Increasingly impassioned through the latter half of the ’60s, he co-wrote what many regard as then- Sen. Robert Kennedy’s greatest speech, his address in South Africa in 1966. Kennedy bluntly attacked the racist apartheid system, praised protest movements worldwide and said those who speak and act against injustice send “forth a tiny ripple of hope.”

Goodwin’s opposition to the Vietnam conflict led him to write speeches in 1968 for Kennedy and to manage the presidential campaign for anti-war candidate Sen. Eugene McCarthy. But McCarthy faded, Kennedy (“My best and last friend in politics,” Goodwin wrote) was assassinated and Republican Richard Nixon was elected president. Goodwin never worked for another administration, although he and his wife were fixtures in the Democratic Party and he continued to comment on current affairs for Rolling Stone, The New Yorker and other publications. In 2000, he was called upon for one of the least glamorous jobs in speechwriting history: Al Gore’s concession to George W. Bush after a deadlocked race that ended with a 5-4 Supreme Court decision in Bush’s favor.

Goodwin was admired for his rare blend of poetry and political savvy, and criticized for being all too aware of his talents. Even one of his supporters, historian and fellow Kennedy insider Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., would say that he “probably lacked tact and finesse.” But Schlesinger also regarded Goodwin as the “archetypal New Frontiersman” of JFK’s brief presidency.

“Goodwin was the supreme generalist,” Schlesinger wrote in his Pulitzer Prize-winning “A Thousand Days,” published in 1965, “who could turn from Latin America to saving the Nile Monuments, from civil rights to planning a White House dinner for the Nobel Prize winners, from composing a parody of Norman Mailer to drafting a piece of legislation, from lunching with a Supreme Court Justice to dining with Jean Seberg — and at the same time retain an unquenchable spirit of sardonic liberalism and unceasing drive to get things done.”

Richard Naradof Goodwin was born in Boston on Dec. 7, 1931, but spent part of his childhood in suburban Maryland, where he would recall being harassed and beaten because he was Jewish. His enemies only inspired him. He graduated summa cum laude from Tufts University, at the top his class from Harvard Law School, then clerked for Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter, the first of a series of powerful men Goodwin worked under.

His road to Kennedy’s “Camelot” began not with an election, but with the corruption of TV game shows. He was an investigator in the late ’50s for the Legislative Oversight Subcommittee of the U.S. House of Representatives, which helped reveal that the popular “Twenty One” program was rigged. Goodwin’s recollections were adapted into the 1994 film “Quiz Show,” directed by Robert Redford and featuring Rob Morrow as Goodwin, who was one of the producers. “Quiz Show” received four Academy Award nominations, including for best picture, but was criticized for inflating Goodwin’s role in uncovering the scandal.

His efforts were noticed by Kennedy, then a U.S. senator from Massachusetts and aspiring presidential candidate. Goodwin was hired to write speeches for the 1960 race, advised Kennedy for his landmark television debates with Nixon and held a number of positions in the administration, from assistant special counsel in the White House to an adviser on Latin America. When the president was assassinated in 1963, Goodwin took on a sensitive task — prodding the military to act upon Jacqueline Kennedy’s wishes and place an eternal flame at the national cemetery in Arlington, Virginia.

Under Kennedy, Goodwin’s most ambitious work may have been on the Alliance for Progress, a program of economic and social reforms meant to break the U.S. from its history of supporting dictators in Latin America. The Alliance was announced in March 1961 with a promise from Kennedy that the spirit would not be “an imperialism of force or fear but the rule of courage and freedom and hope for the future of man.” In the long term, the alliance had mixed results, as support dropped among subsequent administrations. In the short run, it was overshadowed by an imperialist fiasco, the Bay of Pigs invasion, the failed U.S.-backed attempt in April 1961 to overthrow Cuba’s socialist government, led by Fidel Castro.

Goodwin had questioned the plan, but still had to answer for it. Not long after the Bay of Pigs, he met with Castro ally and finance minister Ernesto “Che” Guevara, the two of them sitting on the floor of a hotel room in Monte Video, Uruguay. They were both in town for an Inter-American conference that was to ratify the alliance.

“But, of course, when we started this conversation though, he said, ‘Mr. Goodwin, I’d like to thank you for the Bay of Pigs,’” Goodwin recalled during a joint 2007 appearance with his wife at the John F. Kennedy library in Boston. “He said, ‘We were a pretty shaky middle class, support was uncertain, and this solidified everything for us.’ So what could I say? I knew he was right.”

After Kennedy’s death, Goodwin was urged — implored — to stay on by the new president: “You’re going to be my voice, my alter ego,” Goodwin remembered Lyndon Johnson saying. There was constant tension between Johnson, a Texan, and the “Harvards” around Kennedy, but Goodwin initially had strong influence and was an essential shaper of LBJ’s legacy. He was assigned key policy speeches, including the 1964 address at the University of Michigan, when Johnson outlined his domestic vision of a “Great Society.” Johnson’s 1965 civil rights speech to a joint session of Congress is among the most famous presidential orations in history. It was written by Goodwin — within hours, he alleged — in the wake of the bloody marches in Selma, Alabama, and ended with an exhortation, drawing upon the language of the protest movement, that reportedly left the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. in tears.

“Their cause must be our cause, too,” Johnson said. “Because it is not just negroes, but all of us who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice. And we shall overcome.”

Upon signing the Voting Rights Act in August 1965, Johnson gave the pen to Goodwin. But by then, LBJ had committed ground troops to Vietnam and Goodwin was personally and professionally estranged. He had become convinced, he later wrote, that “President Johnson’s always large eccentricities had taken a huge leap into unreason.”

“My conclusion is that President Johnson experienced certain episodes of what I believe to have been paranoid behavior,” he wrote in “Remembering America,” published in 1988. “I do not use this term to describe a medical diagnosis. I am not L.B.J.’s psychiatrist, nor am I qualified to be. I base my judgment purely on my observation of his conduct during the little more than two years I worked for him.”

Goodwin’s theory was widely debated. He was backed by Time magazine journalist Hugh Sidey, while former Johnson aide Jack Valenti said Goodwin was simply trying “to flog a book.”

Goodwin was married for 14 years to Sandra Leverant, who died in 1972. Three years later, he married Doris Kearns, a former LBJ aide who became one of the country’s most popular historians with such works as “Team of Rivals” and “No Ordinary Time.” Goodwin had three children, one with his first wife and two with his second.

Goodwin’s other books included “Triumph or Tragedy: Reflections on Vietnam,” released shortly after he left the Johnson administration and “Promises to Keep.” He also wrote a play, “The Hinge of the World” (later retitled “Two Men of Florence”), a drama about the clash between Galileo Galilei and Pope Urban VIII that reflected on the need to raise “poor, lowly creatures” from ignorance so they could “travel the Heavens.”

“And how is this mighty liberation accomplished?” Goodwin wrote. “Not through holy text. By these hands, these eyes, this brain. The skull of a single being imprisons the power to unravel creation, to encompass and describe the entire world. Why, this teaches man they may regain our native, the dominion granted Adam in their days of innocence. Creatures who can accomplish this have such power, they are almost like Gods.”


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Titta på videon: American political write Richard N Goodwin Dieds at 86 (Augusti 2022).